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Sharia Information and Documentation Project (SIDOP)
SIDOP BULLETIN No. 1, July 2003
Zakkat Policy in Jigawa State
[Extracted from a Study on Poverty Knowledge and Policy conducted
by dRPC in Jigawa State in collaboration with the Participatory
Group, IDS, University of Sussex in 2002. The full text of the research
is available at IDS and a chapter length article is in process of
publication by the principal investigators - dRPC Coordinators]
In Jigawa the response of the state government and traditional
rulers to the clamour for Sharia, which swept through the North
of Nigeria after its launching in Zamfara State in 1999 was to enact
a Zakkat law. In a deliberate and conscious effort to depart from
trend of emphasizing punishment in Shari'a, the Emirate leaders
particularly those of Dutse, convinced the State Government to emphasise
the welfare aspect of Sharia by implementing the obligatory Charity
Tax in Islam - the Zakkat.The tax is one of the five pillars of
Islam and was provided for in the Qur'an (2:177) as a means of guaranteeing
social rights and security. Jigawa State Law No. 13 of 2000 established
Zakkat Committees in Jigawa State to implement the Zakkat. The law
states that:
There is hereby established in each Emirate of the State a committee
to be known as Emirate Zakkat Committee each of which shall be a
body corporate with power to sue and be sued in its corporate name.
The Committee shall consist of:
- The Emir who shall be the Chairman and the Chief Imam of the Emirate
headquarters as well as the Chief Imam of all the Local Government
Headquarters of the Emirate, plus 5 other persons of unquestionable
character to be appointed by the Emirate;
- All Local Government Chairmen of the Emirate, all Commissioners
and Special Advisers of the Emirate.
The Committee shall be responsible for: -
- Identification of eligible persons
- Assessment of the amount of Zakkat payable by Eligible persons
- Collection of Zakkat from Eligible persons; and distribution of
Zakkat to beneficiaries in the Emirate of the State in accordance
with Islamic injunctions".
(Jigawa State Law No. 13 of 2000:1-2)
Following the legislation, five semi-autonomous Zakkat Committees
were established in Jigawa corresponding to the 5 Emirates of the
State. The State government gave each one of them a take-off grant
to begin activities. By encouraging the Emirate Councils to take
charge of the Zakkat collection and distribution, the State government
appears to be responding to the constitutional ambiguities presented
by a secular government collecting and distributing Zakkat. Over
the past two years the Zakkat committees have established a distinct
indigenous poverty alleviation response that exists side by side
with the NAPEP and other with global programs on poverty reduction.
The main actors are traditional titleholders and religious leaders.
The state and local government officials sited in the law have not
been active.
Perceptions of Poverty by the Zakkat Committees
The underlying perception of poverty by the Zakkat Committees in
the 3 Emirates studied (Dutse, Hadejia & Kazaure) is that of
a transitory state of extreme privation. This perception is informed
by a particular poverty discourse within Islam, which holds that
while poverty may not be entirely eradicated it can be alleviated
through purposeful actions as specified by Islamic tenets and guidelines.
Because the condition of the poor, (the 'Faqir' and the 'Miskin')
is seen as harsh, Muslims who are financially endowed are obligated
to contribute 2.5% of their annual net-worth towards the alleviation
of poverty of those below the Islamic poverty line - the Nisab.
The knowledge base of Zakkat is well known and has little variation.
The four main schools of Islamic Jurisprudence are agreed on the
basic tenets that inform Zakkat. They clearly define who should
give Zakkat and which wealth is 'taxable' as Zakkat. For example,
such wealth should have been held for a year. It should not be encumbered
by debt and should be in excess of basic needs. The wealth eligible
to Zakkat deductions must be at or above the Nisab - the minimum
amount of property liable to payment of Zakkat. During the field
research, the research team found that the general perception of
community members and associations is that the Zakkat Committees
of the 3 Emirates under study have been effective in targeting the
poor and alleviating poverty through their various strategies of
providing cash, clothing, goods and other forms of social support.
Of the 3 Emirates studied in this research, the activities of the
Dutse Zakkat Committee have been found to attract the greatest recognition
by Emirate and community level actors interviewed. These actors
included civil society associations, traditional titleholders and
religious leaders. Respondents from all 3 Emirates were especially
pleased that the Dutse Committee used what were perceived as objective
and legitimate screening methods, by working through traditional
titleholders in order to conduct a census of the poor and the wealthy
in communities. They were also pleased that the Committee seemed
to be guided by Islamic injunctions on transparency and accountability
in its actions and decisions. Some of the other committees had more
modest achievements.
The Implementation of Zakkat Policy in Jigawa
The tenets of Islam are very clear on the beneficiaries of Zakkat.
These include the very poor (Faqir) who have no means of livelihood
beyond day to day and the needy (Miskin) including the physically
impaired who have not got a year's food secured. Other beneficiaries
include the heavily indebted, new Islamic Converts, Zakkat Collectors
and the distressed traveller that has run out of resources.
The activities of the actors in this space are assessment, collection
and distribution. For both the collection and the distribution of
Zakkat there is reliance on traditional census in the community
to collect data that will identify beneficiaries and contributors.
The table below shows one example of such census carried out by
the most organized of the Zakkat Committees. The enumerators here
are not the usual trained professionals; rather they were neighborhood
leaders, ward and village heads and district heads. They move in
a troupe from house to house with some support from scribes whom
may be local teachers or local civil servants.
Table 1: Number and Type of Zakkat Beneficiaries
| Categories
of People |
Census
Figure |
Total |
| Eligible
Contributors |
Businessperson |
3,989
|
27,206
|
| Farmers
& Artisans |
23,217
|
| Eligible
Beneficiaries |
The
Lame |
1,916
|
15,396
|
| Lepers |
1,832
|
| The
Blind |
3,604
|
| Extreme
Poor |
8,044
|
| Total |
|
42,602
|
42,602
|
Source: Dutse Emirate Zakkat Committee Annual Report 2000
By all accounts, the outcome of the Zakkat policy in Jigawa State
was regarded as successful. In Dutse Emirate, data reveals that
93% of those identified in the beneficiaries' census as being in
Extreme Poverty were reached by the Zakkat project in its first
year. However, only 36% of those identified as needy were reached.
Thus Dutse seems to be a case of best practice (see table below).
In Kazaure and Hadejia Emirates where solid data did not exist,
interviews and FGDs in Kazaure suggest a case of next best practice
while the Hadejia Zakkat project has fallen much behind the others.
With the limited information from the Kazaure Zakkat project it
can be discerned that five million eight hundred and twenty five
thousand Naira (N5,825,000=) was distributed as Zakkat between the
months of June and August 2000. The collection was less impressive.
Evidence suggests that collection of grains took place in only five
of the nine districts of Kazaure Emirate.
Table 2: Dutse Emirate: Number and Type of Zakkat Beneficiaries
|
Extreme
Poor |
The
Needy |
| Actual
Number of Beneficiaries |
7,467
|
2,640
|
| Eligible
from Census |
8,044
|
7,352
|
The experience of the case of best practices suggest that success
is attributable to certain pertinent factors, which include:
1. Transparency in policy implementation
2. Information based policy design
3. A system of Incentives to perform
4. Strategies to overcome anticipated obstacles
5. Non-partisan political approach
Transparency derives from the fact that Zakkat is distributed in
public. The process is as follows: At publicised open meetings in
the communities in which Zakkat was collected, the names of all
contributors are read out. The beneficiaries are given the Zakkat
at the same meeting in full public view. The rule is that Zakkat
should be distributed in the communities in which it was collected,
except when it is necessary to balance off surplus in one part and
shortage in another. Two members of the Dutse Zakkat committee informed
the research team that there was substantial reluctance to give
Zakkat at first as contributors felt that their wealth was going
to be siphoned off to the state capital to be distributed to the
rich. They therefore wanted to continue to give their contribution
to whom ever they chose privately. The system of open distribution
changed all that as members of the community openly questioned why
some names were not mentioned when they eligible to pay Zakkat.
The givers also wanted the public recognition for making their social
contributions so open distribution was further supported.
The design of the Zakkat project was preceded by collection of
basic information needed for setting targets, identifying type of
beneficiaries and estimating contributions. This is the type of
information that is basic for Zakkat implementation. In addition,
information on anticipated obstacles were compiled and strategies
developed to overcome them. For example, it was anticipated that
since the Ulamas were the ones getting all the Zakkat to distribute
before and were not doing so effectively, their support for the
new system might be difficult to gain. An advocacy plan was therefore
developed to win their support, and with the open community-based
approach, the Zakkat Committees negotiated the Ulamas.. In the words
of the chairman of the Dutse Emirate Committee "When we conducted
a census of poor people in the Emirate we discovered that in the
past the Zakkat does not go directly to the very needy in the society
but rather to the Ulama (Islamic scholars/teachers) who will be
expected to give to the needy. The Committee therefore devised a
strategy of first addressing the interests of Ulama by providing
them some of what they will loose by not beingrecipients of Zakkat
and also by making some of them members of the committee. The strategy
worked in that the Ulamas cooperated with the new system".
(Interview with the Emir of Dutse, Alhaji Nuhu Muhammad Sanusi,
October 2001). This approach succeeded in even getting the support
of the Ulamas as some of them were also legitimate Zakkat beneficiaries.
A system of incentives was also built into the Zakkat project.
The public mention of contributors was incentive to them to give.
Indeed, during interviews mention was made of contributors who had
privately given before because they were suspicious of the new Zakkat
project but who gave again publicly because they were now happy
with the openness of the new system. Generous prices were also set
as incentives to best collecting district village and ward heads.
The voluntary workers on the project were also given allowances
to take care of their expenses. Thus everyone had an incentive to
work for the implementation of the policy.
Finally, the apparent non-political nature of the Zakkat system
coupled the promise of heavenly reward created a situation whereby
many of the actors felt that they were engaged in a process that
was both virtuous and honourable. These factors combine to make
this social policy different from the others and probably the most
successful of the social policies in Jigawa state.
Despite the success of some Zakkat committees their work is nonetheless
deficient in many ways. For example, in being able to use information
to set clear performance targets and standards and in being able
to develop rational distribution systems. While many ordinary citizens
commended the Zakkat Committee for `trying,' others were quick to
observe its limitations. For others who recognized the potential
contribution of the Zakkat Committee in poverty reductions in Jigawa
State there were still thorny issues of how to improve its effectiveness
and impact. As long as the government leaves it to non-governmental
actors to play the leading role in Zakkat, the thorny issue of constitutionality
of the secular government's involvement would have been reduced
to encouragement. Importantly, communities may also withdraw their
support if government becomes central given that they have little
faith in the objectivity of government institutions.
Because there is no attempt to address issues of the root causes
of poverty and unjust distribution of wealth in society, redistribution
from those who have to those without, is handled in win-win terms
devoid of class antagonisms. The challenge for poverty reduction
in this state is to go beyond charity to sustainable poverty reduction
given the enormous potential for resource mobilization and popular
acceptance of the Zakkat system.
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